As are found in Balochistan, I further lose hope in our crumbling system and the state. A state which has failed its citizens over and over again. Every man with an empty head and fickle mind is trying to formulate his own creed and ideology. It is tantamount to saying, in the presence of various man-made beliefs, that it is hard to follow one ideology with zeal and enthusiasm. The case of Pakistan is verily the same. In Pakistan, people are blind followers of false narratives, whether enforced by the or by the corrupt and incompetent politicians. I pity the nation that is full of beliefs and empty of religion.

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Here, religion is out-dated. Here, democracy is.

Here, the army has more of a political role than the politicians. Here, the sound of rattling guns is heavier than human voices. Here, the youth is voiceless and disfranchised. Here, laws are not for the poor and dispossessed segments of society. Here, man has no value and its fundamental rights are violated and suppressed.

Here, law makers are not the real representatives of the man on the street. Here, the judiciary is a toothless tiger. Here, the federation is fragile and is bound to experience a colossal collapse any time.

Here, the politics of regionalism is at its pinnacle. Here, the so called journalists are blind to stories that matter.

Here, the concept of peace and humanity are non-existent. Here, every man fends for himself. Here, to express themselves.

Here, the concepts of and chauvinism run in our blood. Here, narrow mindedness and arrogance are our personal traits. I do not believe in the way we are ‘progressing’ as a nation because this was never the way it was meant to be. It is not the path our forefathers wanted us to take. It is of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Allama Iqbal. It is the way of egoists and the selfish few.

It is the way of a dominant mind- set which believes in the policy of divide and rule. What I believe in is humanity, peace, progress, welfare, and the well-being of the masses.

I believe in a strong federation with equal treatment of all its provinces. Pakistan is a federal state with four provinces. Federalism is adopted in order to cope with the problems, but presently the federation is dominated by a single province. Punjab, the big brother is not only seen as a dominant actor the in army and the parliament, but is also in the bureaucracy and the judiciary. Punjab is Pakistan and Pakistan is Punjab.

This concept is a farce and it is a matter of grave concern. Balochistan, Sindh and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, although existing, are voiceless, owing to Punjab’s mighty hand in all state affairs. The matter of fact is that politics of provincialism and separatism in present Pakistan are prevalent due to beliefs of our big brother.

In, hope is dwindling day by day because of the decisions taken by outsiders, without knowing the history, mind-set or culture of the locals. Ardent supporters of guns and atom bombs have failed to bring the Baloch under the canopy of one central government. This is however, because of their unjust and exploitative policies over the past few decades. Unless and until, the is made obvious and implemented, there will continue to be bloodshed and more will eventually emerge in Balochistan. It is increasingly difficult to establish a strong Pakistani federation under the strong presence of the army in the realm of politics; a strong federation that will make people believe that it is possible to survive in this Pakistan with all our differences. To take pride in our diversity.

To make Pakistan a confederation. Clearly, our politicians and the military have learnt nothing from history. History is repeating itself today. Every peace loving Pakistani should know that the was due to the rogue policies and rigid mind-set of a handful of people. People who thought they were more ‘Pakistani’ than the others. Kahlil Jibran once, “Pity the nation whose statesman is a fox, whose philosopher is a juggler, and whose art is the art of patching and mimicking.” I believe in and values. I believe in fundamental rights, free and transparent elections, value of a vote, independence of the judiciary, and criticism and freedom of press.

Under these present times, democracy is considered the real panacea to all the problems faced by modern man. Various totalitarian states are transforming into democratic ideals, owing to the people oriented values and virtues of democracy. The case of the is the same. People there rejected dictatorial regimes and one man shows. They protested against the unjust policies of their mighty rulers and demanded fundamental rights. According to, the world has achieved liberal democracy and it is the end of history. Democracy is the ultimate demand and desire of man in the universe and will ultimately heal all human suffering.

Democracy can be seen functioning successfully in western countries and in India as well. But in Pakistan, democracy is not performing according to the wishes of people. Here democracy is being used as a tool by corrupt politicians. This system has failed to amend the life of ordinary citizens. In Pakistan, democracy exists as a label.

Policies are made not in parliament, but somewhere on the side-lines. Here, political decisions are made under the shadow and. Here, the military has castrated the civil institutions with the help of our submissive judiciary. Here, the press is only free on paper. Journalists are made to ignore the sufferings of the ordinary man.

Here, the press is being used to propagate the state narratives rather than offering an olive branch. For a mainstream journalist, all is well in, but in reality, everything is rotten here and the people are depending on God’s mercy rather than the polluted system. Elections in Pakistan are rigged under the patronage of the army; the nexus of a few corrupt politicians, along with the military, don’t want a leader who will curtail their power or eventually hold them accountable.

As part of our national non-profit initiative, Learn Smart Pakistan conducted two teacher boot camps to help build skills in lesson planning and learning games among selected teachers in Pakistan. The boot camp included a bonus session on online mentoring for teachers participating in the digital challenge.

Since 2014, we have been sponsoring a series of educational activities for ninth grade students and teachers under the banner of Learn Smart Pakistan (LSP). As a part of LSP 2015, we conducted, for free, two Teacher Boot Camps on June 15, 2015 at the The enabled teachers to strengthen their capacity and gain expertise in two vital skill sets for effective classroom teaching: 1. Lesson planning Data from the education sector has revealed that teachers in Pakistan are not always clear on what constitutes as a good lesson plan, and do not allocate sufficient time in developing one.

According to Alif Ailaan’s titled,, 87 per cent of the teachers in Balochistan, 73 per cent in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (K-P), 72 per cent in Sindh, and 67 per cent in Punjab spend less than six hours per week on lesson planning. Educational classroom games Data from the education sector reveals that many were because old and archaic ways of teaching steeped in with virtually no creativity encouraged in the classroom.

According to Alif Ailaan’s factsheet, as many as 46 per cent of students dropout even before completing. A total of 45 teachers from 20 schools and six cities attended the boot camps. The boot camps consisted of learning activities and group work in order to promote collaborative learning.

The complete photography coverage of the event can be seen. The Lesson Planning boot camp covered the main components of an effective lesson plan, which include: Objectives Think about you want students to be able to do by the end of the lesson. Think about this first then ‘plan backward’ from there. Use the to write out the objective.

Content Write out what the lesson will be about – which topic, what concept, and why it is. Prerequisites List out what knowledge, information and assumptions the students must already know in order to understand this lesson successfully. Plan Think and plan about how are you getting students engaged, how will you explain the concept, how will they practice the concept or skill?

Materials What materials or will you be using in this lesson? Assessment The should match up with the objective and should assess students on how well they are able to carry out the objective you outlined. Follow-up This can be, other reading activities, a short project of some kind, pre-reading for the next chapter and so on. Self-assessment and reflection How will did your lesson go? What went well? What could have gone better?

How will you do it differently next time? At the end of the session, teachers were encouraged to craft a practical, clear and engaging lesson plan. Besides Knowledge Platform instructors, the boot camp also included an external mentor, Amina Humayun Khan, a specialist in in literacy and. Through a, Amina shared various strategies on how to develop good lesson plans even with limited resources. The Learning Games boot camp focused on what aspects define an effective game and distinctive elements found in a learning game which include: Tools Components used to play games such as,, etc. Goals The ultimate goal is the milestone which a player has to achieve.

In a learning game, it reflects the learning objectives. Rules Games are designed around set of rules. Rules get integrated using the gameplay. Challenge Herein, a challenge would be a task that an individual attempts to tackle the situation or achieve the goal. In some games, challenge can be manipulated by difficulty level. Interactions How many players can play the game?

Is it, or can be launched in teams? Rewards A system keeps the interest of a player alive. Better the performance, higher are the rewards. Rewards can be in form of achievements, badges etc. In addition to the above components, is a design to help students learn skills, expand existing concepts, reinforce learning concepts and develop understanding with practice questions. The session also discussed best practices when developing a learning game. The session included interactive activities and encouraged teachers to generate ideas for their own in-classroom games.

Both boot camps received positive feedback and praise from teachers, “The sessions were very informative, interactive and relevant to the topic. This boot camp has motivated us to use our skills for betterment of our nation’s future. I am glad to attend it and request Knowledge Platform team to conduct it on frequent basis.” The boot camps lasted two and a half hours each and were conducted in parallel.

After the boot camps, teachers were invited to attend a bonus session of 30 minutes on Online for the digital challenge, also part of Learn Smart Pakistan. Read more about the online learning challenge. LSP 2015 provides ninth grade students and teachers access to quality educational resources for and. The content is available online for. The digital contest will come to a close on July 12, 2015 followed by an award ceremony and education forum. Lsf cover redone copy. Is often considered synonymous to happiness, joy and companionship.

Eid helps people reconnect and it works as an excuse for Muslims to celebrate three days with their family and friends. However, this Eid, we should not forget those who have lost so much of their world in the past year that Eid for them is as bland as any other day.

For such people, who have experienced real loss and real pain, celebrating Eid is beyond comprehension. And we, who have been fortunate enough to not be struck by tragedy as yet, should partake in their pain and pay tribute to all the lives that have been lost since last Eidul Fitr. If I were to draw a timeline, it would be a morose series of events from July 28 th 2014 to July 18 th 2015 – a year that has taken so much from us that we don’t even recall the total number of deaths now. Gujranwala Ahmadi killing (July 28, 2014) Last year, Eidul Fitr was accompanied with the blood of three innocent lives (which included two minors) belonging to the in, who were killed in a house fire which was set by an angry mob due to a social media controversy. As we can see, even the festive air of Eid could not stop people from showcasing their barbarianism. Wagah Border suicide attack (November 2, 2014) Within five months of the Ahmadi killing, another heart-wrenching attack took place at the, Lahore, in the form of a suicide bomb blast, where close to 60 people lost their loves, alongside 110 injured.

This attack was the first of its kind – to take place at an Indo-Pak border – and it ran a shockwave in both India and Pakistan; after this incident, security has been increased tenfold at the border. Army Public School, Peshawar attack (December 16, 2014) A little over a month later, Pakistan was hit by another deadly blow, one which haunts people even to this day. Around 140 children were ruthlessly slaughtered by the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), after they stormed the in Peshawar and targeted innocent school-going children for their bloodlust.

The day is dubbed as the Black Day of Pakistan. This attack triggered the government to create and implement the controversial.

Shikarpur bombing (January 30, 2015) With the starting of the New Year, we were gifted with another tragedy in the form of the, which was undertaken by Jundullah – a militant outfit connected with the Islamic State. Around 61 people lost their lives that day, as they were present at the mosque to offer their Friday prayers. The attack led to much hue and cry, but nothing substantial was decided. Unlike the APS attack, perhaps the government did not think it necessary to initiate a similar, aggressive plan for minority rights and security. Peshawar Imambargah attack (February 12, 2015) The Shia minority was attacked again, within a matter of 15 days, at an. This time, 19 people were brutally killed, and the responsibility for the attack was claimed by the TTP. Again, had an NAP-esque policy been devised when the first attack took place, things could have been different this time.

Youhanabad church attack (March 15, 2015) TTP targeted two churches in Lahore’s predominantly of resulting in the deaths of 14 people, with an additional 70 people critically injured. The attack took place during the Sunday Mass and was similar to the attack that took place in 2013 at the All Saints Church in Peshawar. Labourers killed in Balochistan (April 11, 2015) Almost a month later, in an unknown militant attack, 20 labourers were in Turbat’s Gogdan area in Balochistan for reasons unknown. But did we hear of any concrete plan made to tackle this horrific incident?

No, we didn’t. The silence has been deafening. Ismaili bus attack (May 11, 2015) From a third person’s view, it seems like there is a pattern of having a major attack after every month. belonging to the were killed by eight gunmen in Karachi. While suspects have been captured and the trial for this incident is still underway, little has been done in order to make sure that these attacks are prevented.

Mastung bus attack (May 29, 2015) Thirty five people were and kidnapped, allegedly, by members of the United Baloch Army. Nineteen of them were later found dead.

If we simply add the number of people killed in just these aforementioned incidents, the total would be a staggering 374 lives; that’s 374 homes which would not be celebrating Eid this year. And right now, I haven’t even counted the number of people killed in one-off terrorist attacks, by natural calamities or within gang-wars. Makes you think twice before you go about making your Eid schedule now, doesn’t it?

I am not asking people to or to let go of their celebratory plans. But please keep in mind that we live in a war-torn nation, whose people have seen their worst nightmares come true.

The least we can do is be a bit empathetic to their emotions and perhaps not celebrate with as much pomp as we normally would. What are thou going to do today, my lord?

I am going to protect minorities in Pakistan. And how would thou protect minorities, my lord? By making new laws!

But what about the old laws, my lord? Hmm, they are old and obsolete. How would thou save the new laws, my lord, from becoming obsolete?

For that I need to form a committee! Recently, a Senate committee to discuss a fresh piece of legislation to help protect the religious minorities in Pakistan. After the killings of in Balochistan over a period of seven years and in Sindh, Punjab and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (K-P), the Senate committee on human rights did the honour of conducting meetings with the officials of the respective law enforcement agencies, representatives of political parties, the lawyers’ community, prisoners, and police officials. This is not the first time, or last for that matter, that a committee has prepared its recommendations for the protection of our minorities. It’s not that provisions of law to safeguard minorities do not exist already, but yes, this will be a fresh exercise.

We need to understand that minorities can’t be protected by engaging in futile exercises repeatedly, for it leads to nowhere and we end up in the same blind alley. From the to the (1956, 1962 and 1973), religious minorities have been assured of protection and equal fundamental rights.

20, 21, 25, 26, 27 and 36 speak of the existence of these principles on paper. Moreover, Pakistan has made commitments under the (UDHR, 1948) and (ICCPR, 1966) for safeguarding religious minorities. If, at all, playing the legislation is necessary, the Senate Committee should look into improving the existing legislation before going on an expedition for the new. For example, there is a sombre need to increase the number of for religious minorities in the National Assembly. Similarly, amendments should be made to give representation to all the religious minorities including Ahmadis, Christians, Hindus, Sikhs, and Parsis etc. In the Parliament with seats allotted according to their.

The government must consider the system of separate electorates in order to secure fair representation for the minorities. The National Action Plan (NAP) provides a much needed opportunity to revise the curriculum to make it free and it should be utilised effectively. Similarly, amendments should be made in of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) to make it unbiased for dispensation of justice. If the honourable committee still feel that they want something more to do, it should consider proposing amendments to make Article 36, which is the ‘Protection of Minorities’, an integral part of our fundamental rights in order to free it from being subjected to the ‘availability of resources’, because the Constitution of Pakistan neither outlines what constitutes availability of resources nor does it provide a timeline for the implementation of the ‘Principles of Policy’ by the state. Furthermore, our civil and military leadership, shaken by the in Peshawar had vowed to take decisive action against militancy which resulted in the formation of the NAP. NAP also includes, besides other provisions, countering hate speech, ensuring against the re-emergence of proscribed organisations, effective steps against religious persecution, and dealing firmly with the sectarian terrorists.

However, even after more than six months, there has been on the effective implementation of NAP, except for the matters pertaining to military action. So much so that even the Supreme Court of Pakistan has termed NAP a, referring to government’s inaction.

It is no secret that the patronage of extremist groups by different political and religious groups in Pakistan has contributed to the intolerance and acts of violence against the religious and sectarian minorities of Pakistan. The state has consistently failed to intervene and protect its people against violence by maliciously motivated elements and the certainty of impunity has encouraged them to commit lawlessness. The foremost thing to do, above making new legislations, is to implement the existing provisions of law in order to safeguard religious minorities. If a retired army general can be tried for allegedly the articles of the Constitution, then why can’t those who violate the articles of the Constitution pertaining to the protection of the minorities go unconstrained and enjoy the protection of different political players?

The need is to set examples. If the existing laws are not implemented judiciously and miscreants are not punished sufficiently, making new legislations would add little value, like its predecessor legislations, to the protection of minorities. Instead it would sound like: From London to Dubai, To the National Assembly, We hold meetings; talk, discuss and analyse. Excellent rhetoric, lavish phrases, rich costumes, We paint perhaps the most exquisite pictures in the world. Portray scenes and situations; Dismal, hopeless and alarming.

We twist our faces, Get agitated and excited, Rail and bewail, Blame everybody except ourselves, And then pounce upon the Long-awaited lavish tea, snacks, and sweets The meeting’s over— We shrug our shoulders, Shake off the unbearable burden; Twist the corners of our lips And bear the insinuating smile. We anticipate. Nothing can be altered. Well, for that, we shall form a Committee. August 14 th is right around the corner and I decided to share some thoughts to for Pakistan.

Celebrating 68 years of independence, have you ever pondered about our love for this country and why exactly we love Pakistan? Have you ever thought about for yourself, your country, or in fact, all of us? As a young Pakistani female, I can say that the majority of us have this, which reaches its pinnacle during a cricket match, quivers during a political debate, and dies when it comes to doing something practical for our country. This year, around the start of the month of August, Tourism Development Cooperation of Punjab (TDCP) arranged an Azadi (independence) walk, where I and a few other photographers went to visit the most memorable monument of Pakistan, none other than our very own Yaadgar, our Minar-e-Pakistan. Standing in front of the monument and capturing.

Awe-struck and disconcerted, overwhelmed and yet thought provoking, the colossal history of this monument induced a rush of emotions within me. I realised that I don’t because my father or forefathers were born here, although I have a lot of respect for the martyrs who lost their lives for the sake of our country, but my love for Pakistan is something more pure and deep-rooted than that. My love for Pakistan is for its, for its people, whether living in bungalows or a slum. It’s for every inch of my country, be its scenic lush, or poverty stricken small villages. It’s for its culture, whether the colourful extravaganza of Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan or Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (K-P).

I love my country for being the place it is, because the connection with this soil is in my genes and it will remain there forever. I feel disconcerted and remorseful at times because there’s nothing we ever do out of sheer love for Pakistan.

On one side, we defend our country from all the critique that comes our way, while on the other, we lie, bribe, cheat, and litter the streets, disgracing our own patriotism and spirit. We’re all the same. We all have committed these small sins and we all have that deep-rooted connection with our very own Pakistan. Our hearts melt when we see people dying in floods and natural disasters.

We all have shed numerous tears and said hundreds of prayers for every Pakistani innings in the field. We share mutual respect for those who are protecting us at our borders, upright and relentlessly, from terrorist forces. We all have mutual admiration for a few admirable citizens who have earned worldwide recognition for themselves, such as,. It doesn’t matter if we inhabit place on this soil or not, our souls have an incessant love for this country and it will remain with us till the end of our lives. We have to rise above our petty issues, cultural differences, and political views in order to do something for our country. Be it promoting tourism through photography, entrepreneurship or innovation, or basic respect for laws, we can make a huge difference.

Let’s make a promise to ourselves to share love and spread it through our goodness, kindness, innovation, and integrity. Let’s promise ourselves this Independence Day to do something out of absolute and unconditional love for Pakistan, out of pure and pristine intentions. All photos: Anam Saeed pakistan1 cover copy. Pakistani cinema is emerging at a very unique point in our cultural history. Hollywood is knocking at our neighbour’s door to the east as Bollywood sets its eye on the 500 crore club. On our Western front, has become a globally recognised force in neo realist filmmaking, yet people get there for dancing to a particular song.

[embed width='620']Afghanistan remains to be the centre of attention with a complicated set of woes and a new administration in place, and China is slowly becoming one of the biggest film markets in the world. In the middle of this hue and cry lies Pakistan and its cinema industry’s struggle to evolve into something better than Lollywood. That’s where comes in. Here are six reasons to embrace Moor and why it sets the bar high for future Pakistani productions: 1.

A genuine Pakistani film [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='595'] Photo: Moor official Facebook page[/caption] Though there is nothing wrong with carrying on the formula of Lollywood and with that more people will be attracted towards cinemas, but then your identity will not be anything more than an extension of Bollywood, a prime example of this is On the opposite side of Na Maloom Afraad and Nabeel Qureshi are Jami Mahmood and his outstanding film, Moor. Without relying on any conventions or ‘formula’, he offers a story that is truly a product of our times and geography, without compromising on cinematic experience. Possibly the last film on Balochistan [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='595'] Photo: Moor official Facebook page[/caption] I don’t actually know whether Balochistan has previously been featured on the big screen or not, but one thing’s for sure, it will not happen again. Moor is possibly your only window into the highlands of Balochistan and the only major portrayal of its people’s loyalty towards their soil and principles. Celebrated Pakistani photographer Kohi Marri once said, “Such is the beauty of the landscape of Balochistan that we can shoot an entire Lord of the Rings here.” The visual magnum opus that Moor has turned out to be is more or less, the culmination of Marri’s account. The only difference is that Frodo Baggins was aided by the fellowship and Wahidullah Khan () only has a fragile family by his side. Stylistically speaking, there are plenty of beauty shots in the film — offering the Pakhtun belt of Balochistan as a possible tourist spot for the rest of the world.

[caption id=' align='alignnone' width='611'] Photo: Moor official Facebook page[/caption] It’s ironic that the only film to come out in recent years that highlights the concept of ‘motherland’ in all honesty, without using propaganda, has come out of a province that is fighting too many wars at one time. Jami and the clan actually took permissions from the members of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), who had taken over the Muslim Bagh railway station, to shoot the film. And is a part of the much “peaceful” and less barren Pakhtun belt of the province. The rest is self-explanatory. Product of our times The storyline is based on the closure of the Zhob Valley railways in 1984. The film shows how a family is affected by growing corruption in the system and how the influential have destroyed the entire railway network to support a road route through the province.

Although it may not be as big an issue for a province like but the way the director generates pure human drama from elements alien to the urban audiences is simply outstanding. At times, it may seem that the film is taking place in an alien land, but it is in turn a product of our times and our actions. Spectacular Performances journey from complete sanity to neurosis is not only reflected through his swift aging post-crises, but also the subtle brilliance with which his mannerisms become more timid with time. [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='595'] Photo: Moor official Facebook page[/caption] adapts the Pakhtun accent fluently and effortlessly while maintaining his composure — almost comparable to a dead volcano; whenever he did erupt on screen, you knew from within your being that he means business. Abdul Qadir as Baggu Baba turns out to be the highlight of the film.

[caption id=' align='alignnone' width='595'] Photo: Moor official Facebook page[/caption] Baggu generally preserves a very goofy attitude towards things but doesn’t let the viewer confuse him for a clown. He, in many ways, represents the true essence of a native, one who would kill or get killed for his soil. The most exceptional part of Qadir’s portrayal of Baggu is that he actually serves as the moral compass of the story but never asserts it. Even guest appearances by Ishtiaq Nabi, Nayyar Ejaz, and Sonya Hussain are well gauged and to the point.

A character building experience It is an art to disseminate a moral standing through your medium and not sound preachy. This is perhaps the biggest achievement of Moor, because the central conflict of the film stands on purely moral grounds and evolves purely on moral choices, making it a naturally humbling experience. Such is the demeanour and mannerism of these characters of Khost, that they almost appear like the cinema equivalents of Red Indians in a Hollywood film and similarly for a few moments, they make us feel ashamed of our lives which smart phones and desires generated by advertising.

The spine-chilling music As for the music, the soundtrack of the film when listened to in isolation seems something out of the Strings’ Coke Studio but provides a spine-chilling experience when teamed with snow-capped mountains. ‘ Gul Bashri’ by Rahim Shah in particular hits you like a cold breeze cuts through your muffler on a dark winter night — it’s haunting but hopeful. [embed width='620']Rating: Four out of five moore copy. I am Pakistan’s disaster, I am Pakistan’s reluctance, I am Pakistan’s prejudice, I am Pakistan’s vehemence.

I am that blazing, which strikes only the poor of Karachi and pardons the rich, I am that torrent of that demolish the house of the peasant, overlooking the palace of the landlord nearby, I am that dancing death in a house whose seeds the government didn’t buy, I am that wrath of God destined for the weak only. I am the falsified history which is being taught to the students, which glorifies the tyrants and undermine the real sons of the soil, I am the bellicose politician’s instinct of felony; felony that loots a nation, I am that broken oath on the Holy Quran, a testimonial of a general that he will not intervene in politics. I am that wand of a serviceman which he uses against his own countrymen, I am that constitution, which he shatters and diminishes, I’m the; it’s a taboo to bat an eye on me, I hide behind that prejudice against, and that stigma of suppression of its humiliating voices.

I am that stolen baby from a children’s ward that left my mother with hue and cry, The mother which carried him for nine months in her womb, I am a poor man’s kidney; stolen and sold by a corrupt doctor, I am the instinct of that barbarity, which makes a person, Dead bodies from unsafe cemeteries; from unsafe graves. I am that urea, which is being adulterated in milk, Milk that is fed to an infant; that runs in his veins, I am the agony of a six-month-old baby by a barbarian, I am the vulnerability of an incarcerated man for a crime he didn’t commit, I am a life wasted behind the bars in a jail cell. I am the poison a homeless mother mixes in food to feed her kids and to herself, That last, That defeated in the river, I am the torpidity of a prostitute whose moans are considered as joy, I am her numbness, her naiveness, her invisible dried tears. I am that Islam, which is being saved the colonies of the Christians, I am that dollar-sponsored jihad that took our sons for good, Jihad that filled the pockets of the oligarchs, I am the clandestine face of its pseudo intelligentsia, I am its mainstream, which turned out to become the lame-stream, I am its. I am fancy branded dress, the dress he wears whilst lecturing about the simplicity in Islam, I am beard, which made him escape the accusations of blasphemy, I am i’s symbolic scarf, which never covered her head, I am tasbeeh that he rocks whilst wearing his Armani suit, I am ’s surname, borrowed from the mother, the only one of its kind.

I am ’s blasphemy, punctured by the bullets of, I am hoopla breaking news, nobody believes me. I am the tumultuous citizen, searching for my culprit, I am the lost patriotism, the lost philanthropy and the lost nationalism that once nurtured into the heart of this country, I am a lost dimension, I am a, I am an unworthy sacrifice, I am the bare Pakistan! Bloody pakistan copy.

This August 14 th, approximately lay down their arms in Quetta to renounce violence. This surrender to the security forces, however, does little to offer prospects of peace in Balochistan in the long run. Analysts believe that the fighters fear that their struggle has gone down a cul-de-sac without much chance of success., a Baloch journalist argued the same point in. I’m a Baloch myself, and I speak from personal experience when I say – we have been alienated. Since the integration of Balochistan into Pakistan, it has faced more problems than any other province in the country has and these remain unaddressed, to date. And this turmoil, the province is in today, is the result of corrupt policies made in Islamabad; to put it simply, Balochistan has become used to brute force and basic human rights violations. The alleged involvement of Indian authorities, that certain individuals are being funded by India to explicitly jeopardise developmental projects, in the province is also a sign of the dilapidated affairs and poor security structure in the province.

While to some extent I believe this to be a comical claim, simply because these ‘insurgents’ were said to have surrendered to the authorities, it is still something that Islamabad would need to carefully tackle. But, to me, all of this shows how the central government in Islamabad is beating about the bush, instead of dealing with what is most important – peace in Balochistan. As violence, ’, mutilated bodies, mass graves, and attacks on continue to haunt the Baloch, the one question that remains on their minds is, when? When will they see peace again? Will it be in their lifetime? Four hundred insurgents surrendering to security forces in Quetta is not a victory; neither for Pakistan as a whole, nor for Balochistan.

To many of us, this surrender is only a ploy concocted by certain politicians aspiring to bag the role of the next chief minister in the province. And in Balochistan’s current political scenario, this seems most likely.

The activist stance was correct when he stated, “Those who will accept this dirty money are surely not those who have any love for Balochistan and assuredly they will not have it for Pakistan either; their loyalty is to money.” As per the – collectively signed by the National Party (NP), Pakistan Muslim League- Nawaz (PML-N) and Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party – Dr Malik Baloch was to leave his post as CM halfway through his five-year tenure. Dr Allah Nazar Baloch, the head of the banned Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF) stated, during his early political career, that Dr Malik lacks a comprehensive plan to heal the wounds of the Baloch people.

That Dr Malik was trying to treat the symptoms without diagnosing the illness; a recurring issue with the politicians in this province. In recent months, however, the successive government of Dr Malik has also failed to convince the to return to Pakistan.

Since 1948, there have been approximately mainly centred acquiring provincial autonomy and/or control over the natural resources belonging to the province. Each insurgency reveals the same story; brutality, sheer mistreatment of the situation and sentiments of the people of Balochistan, and countless fundamental rights being trampled upon. We cannot be certain as to how long this cyclical insurgency will last, but it is apparent that the mistreatment of the masses and the geo-economic deprivation of the Baloch people will only result in further aggression against the state narrative. On June 26 th, Balochistan’s government apex committee announced a for all home-based insurgents ready to renounce violence and lay down arms. Under, small-time fighters will be paid Rs500, 000, mid-level commanders will receive one million rupees and top commanders will be given Rs1.5 million. The condition upon which this monetary is formed; the insurgents who accept the offer cannot go back to ‘banned groups’. This simple monetary solution to such a gigantic problem only goes to show the level of interest and understanding our government and courts have of the conditions in Balochistan.

Pray tell, what happens when the money runs out? Do we sit with our fingers crossed, hoping peace will prevail? The lack of a comprehensive plan that can result in long-term peace in the province is the need of the hour. Balochistan requires more than just a superficial, unmindful amnesty plan. Islamabad will have to do better than that if it truly wants Balochistan to see peace. During lunch, a colleague asked us what is the national dish of Pakistan, and e veryone present provided a different answer.

I said that’s easy, it has to be daal roti (lentils and flat bread), right? This was quickly rebutted by someone mentioning that it has to be a rice-based dish and that roti is not as common as you may think, especially in the past decade or so. One would assume the answer is biryani?

I mean who does not eat? But no, it cannot be.

Biryani is too elite a meal and too limited to certain regions of this vast and culturally diverse country. Well then, what does Google have to say?

[caption id=' align='alignnone' width='596'] Photo: Express Tribune[/caption] – Most of the hits indicate that nihari is the national dish of Pakistan. However, this also cannot be correct. It is an Arabic dish more popular in Punjab and Sindh and that too in the larger cities for those who can afford it.

Parts of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Balochistan almost completely overlook dishes such as nihari and biryani. Surely, in order to qualify as the national dish of Pakistan, it would need to be a common household feature across Pakistan. [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='595'] Photo: Sibtain Naqvi[/caption] Naturally, every region in Pakistan would have a different local dish and the dish we may end up choosing as our national dish would not be that popular, either by way of preference or necessity, in a lot of regions. However, at the very least, it has to be a meat-based dish, right? With a very low per capita income, it has to be an affordable meal.

So, what is the national dish of Pakistan? What is the one meal had in homes of the majority from to the Makran coast? At the very outset, it is important to lay down certain ground rules which are or rather should be necessary to determine what the national dish of a particular country is. First and foremost, it is not simply the most common dish the country is known for. For example, sushi is what Japan is most known for.

However, the most consumed meal there is either ramen or donburi and sushi is only reserved for somewhat special occasions. Secondly, it is not the dish the people of the country desire the most but rather actually end up eating the most. So, instead of a nice roast dinner, the bacon butty would top the list in the United Kingdom. Thirdly, it is not just a matter of the dish being the most consumed in the country, it has to be a dish that is eaten regularly in most parts of the country. Lastly, it has to be fairly significant. So, (tea) roti or any other form of bread with tea which almost all of Pakistan has for breakfast is out. Now that we have disregarded biryani and nihari, let’s look at some other contenders.

Aloo gosht (meat and potato gravy) – How many times have you heard this? What’s for dinner? Why its aalu gosht. The fact is that mutton is expensive and as common as this food item is in the households of most of you reading this article, unfortunately, a majority of the public cannot afford such luxuries. [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='570'] Photo: Pinterest[/caption] Chicken salan or masala (chicken gravy) – Nope, once again, too expensive and thus not as common a feature in a majority of Pakistani homes. All sorts of meat are sadly out then. As a country, we may have perfected cooking our meat but it is not something the common man can have that often.

[caption id=' align='alignnone' width='600'] Photo: Express Tribune[/caption] Daal roti – Yes, finally a serious contender and my first guess as the national food. The fact is that daal and roti is very popular indeed, however, it is not as widely consumed if one looks at it region wise. If one looks at certain regions of northern Punjab, then yes, it is still the most consumed meal but with rising prices of daal¸ even in regions where daal and roti was almost a daily occurrence, less expensive alternatives have replaced it. Besides, daal and roti is not as common in parts of K-P and Balochistan. [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='500'] Photo: Flickr[/caption] Daal chawal (Lentils and rice) – So if roti with daal is not so popular in the drier and colder regions of the country, then is it more popular with rice? Sorry daal, you just did not have what it takes to please the whole country.

[caption id=' align='alignnone' width='500'] Photo: Flickr[/caption] Pulao – In any form, kabuli or otherwise, made with chickpeas or meat or some other method, pulao is very popular in parts of K-P and Balochistan, and in fact is more regularly eaten than dishes which require bread. But rice generally, if one looks at the whole country, is not as popular, despite biryani’s attempt at glorifying the seed. [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='440'] Photo: Pinterest[/caption] Sabzi roti (vegetables and flat bread) – This covers cauliflower, peas, potatoes, aubergine, ladyfingers, etc. Cooked either independently or in a mixed format. Well, if all the vegetables are taken as a whole, then sabzi might actually be the most consumed dish in all the regions of Pakistan. However, for the sake of being fair to non-vegetable foods, we must treat all vegetables are a separate dish.

[caption id=' align='alignnone' width='500'] Photo: Flickr[/caption] If not any of above, then what single dish could take the title? Well, according to random questions asked from strangers from across the country representing a not so very accurate cross section of society, race and religion, the most common dish may actually be roti. So, it seems, roti may end up in the winning equation after all.

[caption id=' align='alignnone' width='576'] Photo: Tribune[/caption] However, how does saag potentially top the supposed popularity contest? It turns out that as saag is not very expensive, it is preferred over other vegetables and lentils in rural areas throughout a majority of Pakistan. That potentially makes it the most consumed dish region-wise and perhaps in sheer quantity as well. With a bit of desi makhan (local butter), it even mimics the national colours. So does that qualify it to be the national dish of Pakistan?

In my personal opinion, no it does not. I don’t know, naming something as banal as saag as our national dish would not be doing justice to the cuisine.

Which brings me to my point regarding the difficulty in selecting a national dish for a country as culturally diverse and rich in its culinary heritage as Pakistan, it’s impossible. So, let’s all just settle for biryani and call it a day, and, while we are at it, lets also declare cricket as our – about time. Tando Allahyar, a district tucked away in interior Sindh, had a very curious Eidul Azha this year. On the night of September 24 th, while cows and goats sheepishly awaited slaughter in the narrow galis (streets), the Rama Pir ground was alive with the sounds of bells and chants. I visit Tando Allahyar every year to celebrate Eid with my family.

When I was young, I used to be able to go out on the streets without a care in the world. Now that I’m older, I can’t leave the house without a distinct purpose and a chaadar wrapped around my body. When my grandmother told me that the Hindus of the village were having a (fair) beginning on the eve of Eid, I grabbed my thick embroidered chaadar, awkwardly wrapped it around myself and begged my dad to escort me. Women do not occupy any kind of public place in Tando Allahyar, which is why the sight at the Rama Pir ground was so interesting. During Eid this year, Tando Allahyar was remembering a 19 th century Hindu saint. The biggest three-day festival in reverence to Ramdev Pir, or Rama Pir, had people coming into Tando Allahyar from all over Sindh. What I found in those narrow streets is completely contradictory to the that shadow the cities and towns of Pakistan.

In that small neighbourhood, I expected to find a bunch of different religious and ethnic communities who would serve as a model for religious tolerance. Instead, I found a single community which exuded. It was a matrimonial rarity. The streets were adorned with lights.

Luminescent bulbs danced in the sky as jubilant people moved to rhythmic chants. Every corner of the neighbourhood was alight with celebration. [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='303'] Photo: Aseela Haque[/caption] This was a different Pakistan. A part of me winced as I realised that this festival was tucked away in the outskirts, somewhere it would barely get noticed. The streets were bustling with joyous young men on motorbikes and little children with rainbow coloured mithai (sweets). But what made the streets really come alive were the women.

They were wrapped in bright, beaded in shiny sequins and drenched in gold. Most of the women had their faces covered. The pallus of their saris draped their heads and fell across their faces. In the shadow of their pallus, they chatted, laughed, tried on chooriyan (bangles) made of glitter and furiously haggled with the vendors. Their arms were covered with rings of thick white bangles yet their movement was fluid.

They glided through the crowds of men with effortless grace. They were careful and nonchalant at the same time. I was mesmerised. I caught glimpses of their faces when their hands would slip and the cascade of pallus parted by accident. Their faces were painted with beads of gold that went across their foreheads, hugging the arches of their eyebrows.

The glint of their sparkling nose rings enslaved my gaze. I could not look away. I was in love. Their shine was only eclipsed by the husbands, fathers and brothers who kept a stern eye and directed their movements.

Many of the women did not want to be photographed because their husbands did not approve. They did not want to be approached or talked to. When I tried to start a conversation with some of the women, their pallus tightened and their eyes furtively moved in the directions of the men.

Man or woman, talking to strangers made them nervous. The festival includes hundreds of different vendors in the bazaar who were selling clay pots, plain and glittered, mounds of rich, colourful mithai and chooriyan. So many chooriyan. It was a bazaar made for women.

It also included fun activities for the children. There was a big Ferris wheel, small pirate ships and various other rides for them to enjoy. Moreover, the festival also constitutes a performance by the. Jugglers and flame-eaters kept the audience entranced and the travelling zoo had the children going wild with glee. The sight of an elephant in interior Sindh is no ordinary thing. [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='303'] Photo: Aseela Haque[/caption] [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='303'] Photo: Aseela Haque[/caption] [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='303'] Photo: Aseela Haque[/caption] [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='303'] Photo: Aseela Haque[/caption] [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='303'] Photo: Aseela Haque[/caption] The Rama Pir temple was swarming with people.

I took off my shoes and made my way to one of the windows to take a peek at the ceremony that was taking place inside. All I could see were the heads of the devotees swaying with the chants. Small puffs of incense smoke twisted and curled around them. Some of it found its way to my nostrils and I inhaled their passion. Their love reverberated through my bones and my heart felt heavy with an emotion I could not understand. I was elated to see the Hindu community so absorbed in religious fervour. My chest rose in pride to see that has not been stamped out of the streets of Pakistan.

But I felt a tinge of pain at the thought of how much the Hindu community has in this country. [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='303'] Photo: Aseela Haque[/caption] [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='533'] Photo: Aseela Haque[/caption] [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='533'] Photo: Aseela Haque[/caption] The national narrative that has developed within these 67 years has completely excised Hindus. The process of began to develop the ideology of Pakistan and give it an Islamic hue.

The Pakistani identity has been purposefully drowned in Islamic rhetoric. It is, after all, in the name of Islam that fateful lines were drawn on a map. It is easy to get absorbed into the narrative when you’re the majority. You represent the ‘green’ in your flag so the ‘white’ just fades into the background. It is easy to buy into the claim that Pakistan is the land of the Muslims, the land of the pure. The truth is that you and I have swallowed our history books whole. We have lapped up every page, down to the last word.

It’s time we regurgitate some of that out. The fact is that the Hindus have a very old connection to Sindh. Their shrines and mandirs are much older than many mosques.

I’m not saying that claims that state Muslims have an inherent connection to the land are false. It’s just that Muslims aren’t the only ones with deep-rooted historical bonds to Sindh, or all of Pakistan for that matter. In Balochistan, the Hinglaj Mata Temple is a for Hindus all over Pakistan. The pilgrimage experience is described as “death or darshan”.

The journey from Karachi takes 45 days through the harsh dessert terrain. People engage with the land during their journey and perform various rituals and rites. [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='533'] Devotees push a vehicle stranded in desert while visiting Shri Hinglaj Mata Temple. Photo: Reuters[/caption] [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='533'] Devotees climb a mud volcano to perform a ritual.

Photo: Reuters[/caption] [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='370'] Devotees carry dry mud collected from a mud volcano, which is sacred to them. Photo: Reuters[/caption] [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='533'] A devotee receives blessings in front of the deity at the Shri Hinglaj Mata Temple. Photo: Reuters[/caption] Moreover, the in Tando Allahyar, was built around 206 years ago. It stands today where Ramadev Pir is said to have sat. This is why Tando Allahyar holds religious significance for the Hindus. It is the land touched by their saint.

The festival takes place every year with tremendous from the Muslim community. Many Muslims take part in the festivities. Muhammad Furqan Khan, a resident of Tando Allahyar, recalls going to the mela in his childhood, “I loved the circus. Especially the animals. They used to have a lion.

I remember feeling excited and scared the first time I saw it.” He adds that, “The Muslims have never objected to the ceremonies and festivities. Nobody has ever tried to stop the processions. The two communities have a lot of respect for each other. The pilgrimage brings in good business to the shopkeepers and vendors.

There is no religious.” Khan’s words are reflected in the fact that policemen were stationed at various places in the bazaar, mela and outside the mandir. The presence of the policemen indicated the support and protection of the state. It warmed my heart to see that the people of Tando Allahyar have taken real ownership of the Hindu community. [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='400'] Photo: Aseela Haque[/caption] It was extraordinary to see Eid and the Rama Pir festival being celebrated at the same time with such earnest enthusiasm. Animals were slaughtered, deities were worshipped, women were out on the streets, and qurbaani meat and prasad were sought after.

At my family Eid barbecue, mutton was being spiced and grilled. A delicious tamarind sauce was being ladled and tasted. Fresh naan was being doled out of polythene bags. The smell of kebabs and botis hung in the air, along with the undeniable aroma of incense. TANDO COVER FINAL. While travelling on the Regional Cooperation for Development Highway (RCD) and the National Highway under the moonlight, which shone so bright that one could clearly see the crossing, I was hit by a wave of nostalgia. It made me reminisce about how Quetta used to be a peaceful, calm, and content valley - once upon a time. [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='533'] Photo: Ijaz Younus Baloch[/caption] Over the past few years, Quetta has lost its charm of tranquillity and serenity.

Gone are the days when roaming on Prince Road to find the right eatery for dinner and queuing in front of Flora for ice cream and milk shakes was a common trend. Memories of camping at Hanna Lake and Hanna Urak (picnic points in Quetta) linger on in my mind and I feel these memories will not be relived any time soon. These areas of interest have become entirely inaccessible to the common public. So much so, that it feels like one needs a visa to be able to enter the Quetta Cantonment area since the military cantonment area with tight security arrangements.

People need to submit their ID card to go through the military check posts and at times many civilian vehicles are not even allowed to go through despite having ID cards. So much for freedom and accessibility. [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='533'] Hanna Lake.

Photo: Israa Shah[/caption] [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='533'] Hanna Urak. Photo: Tariq Javaid[/caption] The absence of fear is desperately missed in Quetta. The current situation is dismal and citizens of Quetta have to literally search for an opportunity to enjoy life. I would like to believe they try to live their life without being fearful of the prevailing situation, but the glaring insecurity makes them realise that life in Quetta has become extremely stressful. With the recent spate of bombings, murders and disappearances, I am not surprised that people fear for their lives with every passing minute. A couple of years ago, the and a (CCPO) said citizens in the country are under the impression that they will get shot or killed once they enter the city. “However, it is not like that,” they said.

Yes, of course, how convenient. Those who say that Quetta is safe are residing behind barriers in their mansions. It’s easy to claim that Quetta is safe from the comfort your palatial home. All they can probably see from their windows are their privately owned orchards. The common man knows the reality of Quetta and the common man feels that he is in danger. All major buildings such as the office of the Inspector General of Police (IGP), the CCPO office, the FC (the para-military force) head quarter, the DIG office, the Iranian Consulate have similar security arrangements.

They all are secured behind massive barriers. This highlights the disparity which is prevalent in Quetta. Rather than securing the common man, the officials in power have decided to secure themselves.

In terms of media portrayal, somehow Quetta manages to always make headlines, be it,, or sectarian violence. Even when the city is free of violence, causing great damage to human settlements, and yet again, we make headlines. [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='533'] Photo: AFP[/caption] How can the media write anything positive about Quetta, considering every time a woman goes to the market, her son must make frequent phone calls to find out if she is safe? If a man is late, his mother worries and flips through news channels to see if there was a bomb blast.

A family is constantly worried that their son could be picked up and detained. But these concerns are valid.

I do not see common citizens content and secure in Quetta. Over the past few years, doctors, lawyers, businessmen, policemen, journalists, politicians, nationalists, tribal elders, religious clerics, refugees, students, and minorities have been victim to all kinds of and activities. Therefore a question arises, who is safe in Quetta? A few naive media people published reports regarding the government imposing bans on pillion riding and carrying arms. I cannot remember if the ban was ever lifted in Quetta since 2006. I asked the CCPO and the spokesperson for the government of Balochistan whether the ban on pillion riding would be lifted anytime soon and they responded saying that the ban has been extended because the notification needs to be renewed after every month or two.

I am not a pessimist or cynic by nature, but I highly doubt we can get the authentic charm of Quetta back, the harmony, the love, and hospitality that we once felt. I feel terrible whenever I hear the common man talking. It pains me to hear their concerns and they get worse with time. I can’t assure them of their security and stability while safety arrangements for security officials are always on the increase and the development safety arrangements for citizens is stagnant. I know stability will not prevail through a miracle and a messiah will not just show up.

The situation will only worsen because people responsible for the maintenance of law are not doing their job as effectively as they should. The worst part is that each person thinks that the law enforcers are responsible for this terrible situation; it is true that there have been but individuals were never killed because of their ethnicity and sect. The situation of Quetta can greatly improve if the security forces curb the sectarian violence, target killings and bomb blasts in a speedy manner. The required authorities need to man up and take a stand for the citizens of Quetta. We need our old Quetta back.

Cover quetta copy. This week we were treated to scenes of standing with as the First Lady announced an investment of $70 million as part of a between the United States and Pakistan to promote girls’ education. The money is part of President Barack Obama and Michelle Obama’s Let Girls Learn initiative, which started up in March of this year and seeks to expand educational opportunities for girls. Ms Sharif also Nawaz Sharif’s education reforms, and the importance of educating girls. It’s good to see commitment at the highest level to this worthy goal. However, I can’t help being a bit of a cynic about it.

These days, girls’ education is a buzzword, with everyone talking about this as the way to move our country forward. Educating girls has become the new sexy catchphrase, with conferences, seminars, and other well-intentioned programs based on this breakthrough in development goals. (There are more than a few scammers, too, gaining from the glitz and glamour of the girls’ education circus, but that’s another blog post completely). I have my doubts that the money will really go anywhere outside of Punjab, where Nawaz’s education reforms have been centred, thanks to the efforts of the chief minister. (DFID), the UK government’s development arm, has, with some work done in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (K-P). The chief minister of Punjab to getting every child in Punjab enrolled in school by 2018, and there are many mechanisms already in place to make sure schools improve, including geo-tagging of schools and electronic tracking of teacher and pupil attendance. There’s no chance of these reforms being replicated in Balochistan, which has the vast majority of out of school girls (70 per cent,, of Balochistan’s girls are not in school), or in Sindh, where DFID refused to work with the Sindh Government when it started to look into getting out of school children back into school through a private organisation, (EFS). As a result, at least in Sindh, the numbers of children being enrolled with DFID’s help through EFS are (100,000), while private organisations like The Citizens Foundation (TCF) try to fill the gaps too.

It’s never enough: despite a minor increase in Sindh’s education budget,, with rural areas and girls being the most underserved. I’m not much of an expert on the provincial governments in K-P or Balochistan, but Sindh has always suffered from poor management of the education system.

There’s not much willpower or vision about how to move things back to acceptable standards in any area of education. There has been movement towards but they are very half-hearted, as compared to Punjab.

The previous Education Minister, Pir Mazhar, inflated the sector with unqualified people hired for political gain, and the current education minister has inherited this bloated elephant. Yet the real work has to be done by Sindh’s bureaucrats, and education secretaries don’t tend to stick around for long enough to enact real reform.

Without financial backing and government commitment, all of Pakistan’s children will not get education in vast numbers needed to really get the girls in school. If Michelle Obama’s $70 million doesn’t get distributed evenly or fairly amongst all the provinces, gains in one province will be impressive, and they’ll be hailed as progress, but they won’t tell the true story about whether or not Pakistan’s girls are really gaining access to quality education. This post originally appeared. During a recent visit to Dhaka, I had the opportunity to do research in the National Archives of Bangladesh and the Library of Dhaka University. Although the was not the focus of my research, I was anxious to learn more about the tragic events resulting in the death of countless civilians and the dismemberment of Pakistan. For this purpose, I picked up the files of two English newspapers, Morning News and Pakistan Observer, published from Dhaka and examined their contents for the months of November and December.

I looked at the headlines, feature articles and advertisements printed in these newspapers between November 23, 1971 and December 30, 1971. It was that emergency was declared in Pakistan, war broke out with India and the independent State of Bangladesh came into existence. It did not come as a surprise to me that newspapers in East Pakistan were under strict State control and used for propaganda purposes. Anyone who tried to report accurately was snubbed and declared an enemy of Pakistan., the commander of Pakistan’s forces in East Pakistan, described BBC as “Brahman Broadcast” and refused to take its reports seriously. He was more content with the reports appearing in Morning News and Pakistan Observer.

During the period of active combat starting from late November, these newspapers projected an image of Pakistan as being in complete control of the situation. Both newspapers, till the very end of the war, kept on reporting on the advance of Pakistan’s military and the huge losses incurred by the Indian military. The idea was to keep the people (especially of West Pakistan) in the dark about the atrocities being committed in East Pakistan and the rapid military advancements made by Indian troops to exploit Pakistan’s precarious internal situation. But it seems that it was not just the people of Pakistan, but the military command itself which started believing in this propaganda.

This is why the came as a huge shock to many of the military men as well. A cursory glance at these newspapers of the last few weeks of united Pakistan should serve as an eye-opener for those who believe that censoring media and of dissent are justified under the larger banner of serving the ‘national interests’ of Pakistan. A time comes when those trying to control the thoughts of masses through repressive means start believing in their own deceits and distortions. This happened in Pakistan during 1971 to be the case when it comes to media’s coverage of Balochistan and tribal areas.

These areas are generally off-limits to independent media and one simply has to rely on information funneled through the tweets of ISPR’s spokesperson. Just because the media is not allowed to report on the, large-scale displacement of population from tribal areas and collateral damage of military operation, it does not mean that there is no political turmoil or unrest in these regions. Nor does it mean that a media blackout will help to control or resolve the situation amicably. Among the to be learnt from 1971 is the failure of such policies.

When I refer to the Baloch, I do not make reference to Sardars and Nawabs, minsters or stakeholders, but the common on a daily basis as a result of Pakistan’s deplorable negligence and incapability to protect the largest and arguably, richest province of their country. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) has once again brought amongst the media and politicians. There is a mayhem of disagreements on which province will benefit the most from the CPEC and many fingers pointing at Punjab for eternally overshadowing the rest in terms of benefitting from natural resources.

Reservations from all provinces raised at the ‘’ (APC), organised by Balochistan National Party (BNP) have signified that nationalism amongst Pakistanis is not only a domineering factor in Balochistan, but prevalent in other provinces; people are more concerned about their ethnic community than the wider implications of such a deal. If the CPEC deal were efficacious, it would certainly be favourable for Pakistan. It would unquestionably help the country deal with some of its major developmental issues, including upgrading some of its crumbling infrastructure and modifying its significant energy shortage. But at what cost? The desire for this to continue and succeed has proliferated to such an extent that those in favour of this project have failed to comprehend how severely Pakistan will be trapped in China’s geostrategic orbit. What China will achieve from it is evident, giving her a dependable base in the Indian Ocean, nearby the Persian Gulf, commendably giving it two-ocean supremacy. Such matters are obviously of no relevance to most Pakistanis considering what the aftermath could hold.

As long as it is financially benefiting them, there will be no objections. It is ironic, how those who once mocked the Baloch for having communist ideologies are now bending to the will of socialist economies. As for Baloch people, most if not all, are utterly unconvinced of the motive behind ‘developing’ Balochistan. The main line of reasoning for the Baloch is that after almost seven decades of authoritative reign, 347,190 kilometre square of land and development is only? Those who claim to be the benefactors for the Baloch future need to be cognisant of the fact that there is more to Balochistan than one port.

The Baloch apprehension is not linked with the location of routes, but whether the CPEC will bring a difference to the lives of the common Baloch. If the Baloch had not been victim of the Pakistani state’s deceitful tactics, then one would consider that a $46 billion project would definitely be an advent of development in Balochistan. However, history states otherwise. On, Pakistan detonated five nuclear devices in the Ras Koh Hills in Chagai, Balochistan.

Undoubtedly, this granted Pakistan colossal importance on the world stage, attaining the title of the first Islamic nuclear state. However, what happened to the people of Chagai, once the tests were successful is unknown to most officials. Radiation effects, untreated diseases and unemployment have rapidly taken over an.

The Chagai that is proudly entrenched in Pakistan’s history, where important officials once stood before Balochistan’s mountains, is now never mentioned or visited by anyone. SUI is another example of how the Baloch have been deprived of their basic rights. Of Balochistan is deprived of gas, including Gwadar. It is quite repulsive to know that the province that supplies most of the gas to the country does not have access to it.

Of The Pakistan Constitution 1973 states, “The province in which a wellhead of natural gas is situated shall have precedence over other parts of Pakistan in meeting the requirements from the wellhead.” Since national law is not implemented, international law favours the Baloch stance, which obviously has no relevance to Pakistan amongst other matters. The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966 UN December 16) states, “All peoples may, for their own ends, freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources without prejudice to any obligations arising out of international economic co-operation, based upon the principle of mutual benefit, and international law. In no case may a people be deprived of its own means of subsistence.” There are plenty of examples of how are of their rights that justifies the sense of detriment they feel. Often the Sardari system is held accountable for the underdevelopment in Balochistan. That in itself is a very controversial topic since most of the Sardars and Nawabs have been assigned with the highest positions as part of the establishment. Unfortunately, corruption and disunity amongst most has deteriorated Balochistan’s plight and allowed the establishment to use this to their advantage.

If we kept our tribal egoism aside and worked for the betterment of the common Baloch man, then Balochistan might have a slight chance of a prosperous future. Nonetheless, what needs to be addressed now is what is being done for the common Baloch man. What is the future of the Baloch man, who works rigorously as a fisherman in Gwadar, after the CPEC is established? There needs to be a sense of assurance that the people living in Gwadar will not become a minority on their own land. Job opportunities should be equally available to the people of Gwadar, making their lives a priority.

It is perplexing to know how countless amounts can be spent to from ‘militant’ threats, but not much can be done to provide the citizens of Gwadar with a decent supply of water. Considering are very low, how will the government assure that the locals are educated enough in schools and universities are easily accessible? Bearing in mind that vast majorities of local Baloch in Gwadar work in the fishery industry. There should be maritime training to boost their skills, in a way that they can benefit.

We have a clash of priorities with the establishment where they aim to boost Pakistan financially, whereas the Baloch want their lives to flourish and more importantly to matter. As a Baloch, I will always in a land that is supposedly mine. They come, they exploit and they leave.

We do not want to be like extra-terrestrials on our own land. There are plenty of assurances but no sense of guarantee that things will ever change for the better.

History is our teacher. Watching an intense match, my siblings and I had our eyes glued to the television screen. It was Quetta Gladiators versus Islamabad United. The Gladiators were playing brilliantly and I was quite focused on the match when my sister asked me a question that diverted all my attention away from the match. She asked, “Are all the players playing for Quetta Gladiatorn born in?” After a momentary silence, I replied, “No, not all of them, maybe some of them.” She asked the same question about the other four teams as well and my answer remained the same.

After the match ended and the Gladiators managed a big win, I started going through the PSL players’ profiles on the internet. What I got to know after going through the profiles of all the players was quite shocking.

I learnt that I had been wrong when I told my sister that ‘some of them’ belonged to Balochistan. The truth is that from the entire 15 men squad of Quetta Gladiators only, a wicketkeeper batsman, is in fact Baloch. That means that the team that is representing the has only one Baloch player in its squad and he too has been restricted to being a standby player? Was this only done as a token to the province? Same is with Karachi Kings, although the Karachi Kings has a few players amongst its squad who were born in Karachi, none of them are in fact Sindhi.,, and are those few players.

Not only in the above mentioned teams, but in other teams also – Islamabad United, Peshawar Zalmi and Lahore Qalanadars – I couldn’t find any Sindhi or Baloch players. There weren’t any players from the parts of inner Sindh or Balochistan either, in any of the five.

The only exception was who was born in Hyderabad, but is Urdu-speaking. Not being able to find a single player from the Sindhi or Baloch community was quite flabbergasting as these communities make up more than one fourth of the entire population of Pakistan. Even when you consider Pakistan’s national team you won’t find any or Baloch player in the squad. It has been decades since a Baloch or Sindhi donned the national team’s jersey. The same trend continues in the PSL.

Wasn’t the PSL inaugurated to give rise to new talent in Pakistan and give them a proper platform to demonstrate their skills? Akele Tanha Mp4 Song Free Download. Why is it that the tournament which is to become ‘ in the world after the as quoted by Mr Najam Sethi, not representing the whole of Pakistan, but only a few communities? The PSL teams are crowded with Punjabis, Pakthuns and players along with players from overseas.

Sindhis and Baloch, along with many other Pakistani communities, are not given any opportunities to perform at this level and demonstrate their skills. PCB has made many promises in the past to overcome this situation, promises that were never kept. And the Sindh government did what the Sindh government does, it ignored the situation. Cricket stadiums and academies in inner Sindh and Balochistan still remain underfunded or are not functional at all. One wonders about the many Baloch and Sindhis who could have been cricketing greats, but were not given the opportunity. The Pakistan Super League also hasn’t given this opportunity to them. The league has gotten off to a great start and as a Pakistani I am both, happy and excited for the league, but I would be proud to see our young Sindhi and Baloch brothers showing off their talent along with our national heroes. Is this asking too much? [poll id='435'] 555.

Textbooks play an important role in building the world view of students. In a country like Pakistan where the reading culture is non-existent, these books serve as primary sources of information for a huge chunk of society. Khursheed Kamal Aziz also known as K K Aziz began his book ‘ The Murder of History in Pakistan’ with the following words, “In every country, the textbook is the primary implement of education at the school and pre-university stages of instruction. In Pakistan, it is the only instrument of imparting education on all levels, because the teacher and the lecturer don’t teach or lecture but repeat what it contains and the student is encouraged or simply ordered to memorise its contents.” While textbooks of science subjects like physics, chemistry or biology are less likely to form a child’s worldview, the textbooks of history and ‘social studies’ are supposed to be the first step toward social conscience. Discovery of about the Baloch in a Sociology book for Intermediate students in Punjab doesn’t surprise me, as it is a norm, not an exception. It is worth mentioning that the aforementioned book is not a ‘textbook’ prescribed to Intermediate students in Punjab, but only serves as a supplementary text; a guide book. [embed width-'620']What underlies this problem is the nationalism project undertaken by the Pakistani State since the early years after.

Nationalism projects, worldwide, are meant to bring uniformity to ideas in an effort to unite people to form a ‘nation’. These projects end up alienating people from different ethnicities and cultures existing within their boundaries. Sid Vicious Sid Sings Raritan. You just have to look at what China does to the Uighurs and Tibetans, Turkey with the Kurds, India with the Kashmiris and Assamese, Myanmar with the and with the Biharis to understand the attitude of the Pakistani state. Textbooks serve as primary means of fostering the nationalism project and end up promoting hatred towards particular ethnicities or groups. To understand the Pakistani nationalism project, let’s take a look at a directive issued by University Grants Commission in the 1980s to textbook authors, which as: “To demonstrate that the basis of Pakistan is not to be founded in racial, linguistic, or geographical factors, but, rather, in the shared experience of a common religion.

To get students to know and appreciate the ideology of Pakistan, and to popularise it with slogans. To guide students towards the ultimate goal of Pakistan – the creation of a completely Islamised State.” One of the primary reasons that seceded was the forceful imposition of this particular nationalism project upon the Bengalis who refused to give up their culture, heritage and language just to assimilate into the newly established state. The state though, has not learnt the lesson from the East Pakistan debacle and continues to suppress voices of the.

The 18 th Amendment of the Constitution of Pakistan denied the rights of provinces and even after the Amendment – grievances remain. [caption id=' align='alignnone' width='600'] Photo: Screenshot[/caption] The translation of the word ‘Baloch’ in the aforementioned Sociology textbook is wrong and reflects the attitude of the author towards a proud nation. The given definition cites an unnamed Persian dictionary without giving reference.

It is interesting to note that even the Iranian state has people residing in their Sistan and Baluchestan province. In the 1970s, Shah of Iran provided gunship helicopters to help the on-going military operation against Baloch separatists. Our textbooks traditionally avoid using references and students end up believing everything written in them. This example demonstrates that even our publishers don’t proof-read the texts before selling them in the market. Even in the apology published in national newspapers, the name of that ‘dictionary’ was not mentioned. As if blatant bigotry was not enough, the author promotes out-dated concepts on gender dynamics in marriages.

Under the heading ‘Problems of mate-selection and adjustment’, students of sociology are informed that research by (unnamed) sociologists found that for an ‘adjusted family’, the from her husband as the final verdict to prove her obedience. Furthermore, the ‘husband is the focal point for the wife in all matters of life’ and ‘marriages should take place within relatives and within biradri (tribe)’. The author’s moral compass is probably stuck in the 19 th century, as the world has moved beyond ‘’ and ‘absolute male dominance’ in relationships.

Is this the worldview we expect our ‘educated’ classes to possess? A thorough perusal of textbooks should be ordered by the respective Provincial governments to weed out racist and misogynistic statements. We need to focus on being inclusive and respectful of differences, rather than forcing uniformity down people’s throats. Nationalism has been an overall negative force in world history and it needs to be either amended or discarded in the waste-basket of history. The same can be said about misogyny.

Our aim should be the establishment of a pluralistic society and, for that matter, prejudice towards languages and ethnicities other than Punjabi has to end. The Baloch are as much a part of this country as. It’s time to give them the respect and treat them as equal citizens. [poll id='475'] 1066430-sociology--354-640x480.